The 2010 Census pegs Pennsylvania's official population at 12,734,905, a growth rate over the last ten years of 3.4%. Gordon F. De Jong, a professor of sociology and director of the Demography Graduate Program at Penn State University, is one of the state's premier demographers and joins our conversation. Prof. De Jong explains that while the country's population grew at an average rate of nearly 10% from 2000-2010, Pennsylvania's rate rose anemically at less than 4%. "We have below average birth rates, below average immigration, and our internal migration – young folks leaving the state - is high. We gained 250,000 immigrants but we're nowhere near Texas or California. And we're losing 100,000-125,000 residents, particularly young adults, over the decade. That's the demography," De Jong tells me.
He also makes it clear that reapportionment, the demographic information about where people are living, which counties and cities have gained or lost population, how those numbers have changed over the years, and what it means for the allocation of state and federal tax dollars, is quite different from the political task of redistricting. While lawmakers seek his counsel every ten years to help redraw political maps, De Jong demurs, saying, "I have refused both caucuses. Redistricting is a political exercise that has nothing to do with demography."
So, to talk about redistricting and the raw political shenanigans it might engender, we bring in Tim Potts, of the government-reform group Democracy Rising PA, and Democratic State Rep. Eugene DePasquale of York County. Consider that in the 1920s, Pennsylvania had 36 members of Congress representing us. By 2013, we'll be down to 18. Nine states had smaller population gains than Pennsylvania while Texas outpaced the entire country and gained four new seats. We did not fare as poorly as our neighbors in New York and Ohio who both lost two seats in Congress.
Republicans will control the mapping of the districts. A five-member Legislative Reapportionment Commission will devise a plan. The Democratic and Republican leaders of the state House and Senate each name one appointee. The appointees select a fifth member who will chair the panel. If they can't agree on a fifth member, the state Supreme Court steps in and makes the selection. And the state's highest court, with a slight GOP edge in makeup, also gets to draw the final map if the commission's version is successfully challenged.
Government watchdogs want the commission to ensure transparency, fair representation of voters from both major parties, districts that emphasize political competitiveness within and between the parties, and districts that make geographic and common sense. For Pennsylvania politicians, that's a tall order.
That's not what happened after the 2000 Census as lawmakers and the commission gerrymandered districts to ensure the success of their own political parties. We'll show you how and take your comments tonight at 8 at 1-800-729-7532, or via email at This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it , or on www.facebook.com/witf.org.














